The Illusion of the British Empire resurrection – Part Two

By: Contribution for Syrializm

 

The Middle East has always been of strategic importance in terms of politics and economy, and has been a benchmark for measuring the influence of major powers throughout history. Therefore, Britain was keen to extend its influence and control over this important and dangerous region of the world, given its significant impact on protecting its interests and strengthening its power globally. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, followed by Britain’s occupation of Egypt in 1882, not only provided Britain with a variety of benefits, but also served to secure the route to its colonies in Asia, particularly India.

After the end of the first World War, Britain and France divided the Middle East, as Britain contributed to the end of the Ottoman Empire’s presence in the region by supporting the so-called Great Arab Revolt in 1916. This was followed by the Sykes-Picot Agreement, which divided the region with France, leading to the Balfour Declaration, which established a Jewish entity in Palestine. All of this occurred during the throes of World War I, particularly between 1916 and 1918.

During this period, Britain also began its campaign of releasing its rats of spies and agents into the Persian Gulf and the Middle East in general, in order to gain a complete picture of the region and how to consolidate its control and influence such as, Major Thomas Edward Lawrence, John Philby, Gertrude Bell and others, as they played the greatest role in handing over and installing the rulers of the states in that region.

Prior to the outbreak of World War II, the commencement of oil exploration and drilling in the Persian Gulf and Arabian Peninsula contributed to the strengthening of British influence in the region, making it more determined to assert its full control over the region.

The support and protection of the Shah of Iran, was also a crucial point, even Britain played a major role in overthrowing the socialist government of Mohammad Mosaddegh, which briefly controlled Iran (1951-1953), as it succeeded in restoring Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to power, and Mosaddegh was arrested and executed.

Since that time, Britain has been keen to establish military bases in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East in general, and this ensured a permanent foothold in the region, protecting its interests and enabling it to act quickly when necessary.

Despite the decline of the British Empire in the mid-1950s, and the apparent surrender of its legacy to the United States, this did not prevent the continued British military presence in the countries of the region.

Here, we take an exploratory look at these rules, whether they are feasible today, whether Britain has the capacity to maintain them, and, most importantly, whether there is a real power struggle in this sensitive region with the United States.

 

British lion steps are still in the region

Over the past few decades, British military bases in the Middle East have become centers of operations in various conflicts. The turbulent political situation, internal wars and international confrontations have forced British forces to participate in operations in order to, according to the official version, maintain security and stability in the region. In particular, British troops played a key role in the Iraq War, which began in 2003 when they took part in operations to overthrow Saddam Hussein.

In Iraq, the UK has been involved in various military operations since the early 2000s, including the Iraq War (2003-2011) and the subsequent fight against ISIS (2014-present). British forces have been stationed at several locations in Iraq, often as part of international coalitions.

Key locations have included:

Camp Taji, which is located north of Baghdad, this base has been used for training Iraqi security forces and has housed British personnel, and in Iraq-Kurdistan region’s capital Erbil, where British forces have been involved in training and advisory roles.

In Jordan, despite the fact that, the UK doesn’t maintain a permanent, large-scale military base in Jordan, but since its longstanding military relationship with Jordan, its often involving training, joint exercises, and logistical support.

The British military has used facilities in Jordan for training purposes, particularly for exercises in desert environments, with one notable location at the King Hussein Bin Talal Air College in Mafraq, where British forces have conducted training missions.

Moving to the gulf states; the UK doesn’t have a permanent military base in Saudi Arabia, but it maintains a strong defense relationship with Saudi Arabia, primarily through training, advisory roles, and arms sales.

The UK has the so-called British Military Training Team (BMTT), as the UK has a long-standing presence of military trainers and advisors in Saudi Arabia, assisting with the modernization of the Saudi armed forces.

British forces occasionally participate in joint exercises with Saudi forces, focusing on air defense, naval operations, and counter-terrorism.

Saudi Arabia has been for centuries one of the largest buyers of UK defense equipment, as in recently Typhoon fighter jets, which are maintained and supported by British personnel.

And since Saudi Arabia is a key ally in the Gulf, and the UK’s military engagement is focused on strengthening Saudi capabilities to counter regional threats, particularly from Iran and non-state actors.

It’s worth noting that, British forces supported from day 1 the Saudi-Emirati coalition in the conflict in Yemen, by providing weapons and training.

As for Kuwait, which is similar to the case of Saudi Arabia, the UK has a limited but strategic presence in Kuwait, primarily through bilateral defense agreements and occasional use of Kuwaiti facilities for training and logistics.

British forces have participated in joint military exercises with Kuwaiti forces, such as Exercise Desert Warrior, which focuses on enhancing interoperability and readiness, where Kuwait has occasionally served as a staging ground for UK operations in the region, particularly during operations in Iraq (e.g., Operation Telic in 2003).

Kuwait was considered a key partner for the UK in the Gulf, and its proximity to Iraq and Iran makes it a valuable location for regional security cooperation.

Britain were active in Kuwait for long time, mainly at the operation desert storm 1991, when Britain was the main player beside the United States at the war to drag Iraq out of Kuwait, and since that time it maintained a presence there ever since to support operations in the region.

Bases in Kuwait continue to function as part of coalition operations, including counter-terrorism, however, the continued presence has raised questions about the need and purpose of such operations.

In Bahrain, the British military presence has a long path in history. as in 2018, Britain opened a new military base in Manama to increase its influence in the region and maintain its commitments to its allies, but, despite the base’s existence, it’s regularly impacted by political instability in Bahrain, where protests against the government have taken place in 2011 created additional risks for British troops and increases uncertainty. And since we’re talking about security, the United Kingdom has many mercenaries operating in Bahrain, both in the Royal Guard and in intelligence, and there are also security officers who oversee the interrogation and even torture of detainees in Bahraini prisons.

The so-called HMS Jufair is the UK’s first permanent military base in the Middle East since the 1971 withdrawal. The base supports Royal Navy operations in the Gulf, including maritime security, counter-piracy, and freedom of navigation missions.

The facility can host destroyers, frigates, and minehunters, as well as providing maintenance and logistical support, as the HMS Jufair enhances the UK’s ability to protect shipping lanes, ensure regional stability, and collaborate with allied forces particularly the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet which is also based in Bahrain.

Similar to the cases of both, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, the UK doesn’t have a permanent military base in Qatar, but it has a significant and growing defense partnership with the country, where it has a notable presence in Qatar, primarily through joint training, defense agreements, and the use of Qatari facilities.

The Joint RAF-Qatari Air Squadron have been established between Britain and Qatar, which is a joint Typhoon squadron, based at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, as this partnership enhances interoperability and strengthens Qatar’s air defense capabilities.

British military personnel are involved in training Qatari forces, particularly in areas such as counter-terrorism and maritime security, and with that being said, Qatar has allowed the UK to use its facilities for logistical support during regional operations, including operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, as it of course considered a key partner for the UK in the Gulf, and its strategic location, coupled with its role as a mediator in regional conflicts, makes it an important ally.

Al Minhad Air Base in the United Arab Emirates, is located approximately 15 miles southeast of Dubai, and its considered a critical hub for British military operations in the region, and it considered to be is a key node for the UK’s ability to project power in the region and respond rapidly to emerging threats.

The base serves as a logistical and operational center for UK forces, supporting missions in the Middle East, including counter-terrorism operations in Iraq and Syria, and it can accommodate large transport aircraft, such as the C-17 Globemaster, supports aerial refueling, reconnaissance, and troop deployment.

In Oman, Britain has historically a significant military presence in Oman, particularly during colonial rule.

The Port of Duqm, on Oman’s southeastern coast, has become an increasingly important site for British military operations, and serves as a forward operating base and logistics hub for UK forces, enabling access to the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea.

The port can accommodate large vessels, including aircraft carriers and amphibious assault ships, supports joint exercises with Omani forces, and enhances the UK’s ability to project power beyond the Gulf, supporting operations in the wider Indo-Pacific region.

As for the Sultan Qaboos Base, which is used for operations and joint training with the Omani Armed Forces, and its heavily used, but the size of the presence is limited, and this is due to the policy of the Sultan of Oman, who seeks to maintain neutrality, not allowing military forces from other countries to delve too deeply into the internal affairs of the state.

Although we are speaking generally about the British presence in the Persian Gulf, we cannot ignore the British presence on the island of Cyprus, specifically in the Greek part of it, as the British presence in Cyprus has been the head of the snake for Great Britain for decades.

The RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus plays a crucial role in supporting British operations in the region, as the base is used for reconnaissance, air-to-air refueling, and strike missions in the Middle East, and it hosts Typhoon fighter jets, Reaper drones, and other aircraft, providing a launchpad for operations in Iraq, Syria, and the Gulf.

The RAF Akrotiri extends the UK’s reach into the Gulf and serves as a critical staging post for operations in the region.

Thus, it’s suitable to say that the UK’s continued presence in the Gulf is a testament to the enduring legacy of the British Empire, while the empire may have formally ended, the UK has managed to retain significant influence in the region through a combination of:

• Military Presence: Bases, defense agreements, and joint exercises.
• Economic Ties: Trade, investment, and energy partnerships.
• Diplomatic Engagement: Mediation, alliances, and soft power.

 

What about the power?

The UK’s ability to maintain its bases in the Gulf depends on its military capabilities, which include Naval Power, as the British Royal Navy has a capable but limited naval force, including two aircraft carriers (HMS Queen Elizabeth and HMS Prince of Wales), six Type 45 destroyers, and 13 Type 23 frigates.

The Royal Navy faces issues with fleet size and maintenance; For example, the Type 45 destroyers have faced technical problems, and the fleet is smaller than during the Cold War era.

As for Air Power, the Royal Air Force operates advanced aircraft such as Typhoon fighters, F-35B Lightning II stealth jets, and Reaper drones, which are deployed in the Gulf for surveillance, strike missions, and air defense.

Nevertheless, the British Air force has a limited number of combat-ready aircraft, and the F-35B fleet is still growing.

The Ground Forces of the British Army, has a relatively small but highly professional army, with around 73,000 active personnel, however, they were subjected to be reduced in size over the years, and its ability to deploy large-scale ground forces is limited.

As for the logistics and sustainment, the UK has invested in logistical hubs such as Al Minhad Air Base (UAE) and Duqm Port (Oman) to support operations in the Gulf, despite the fact that sustaining overseas bases requires significant logistical support, including transport aircraft, supply ships, and personnel, where the UK’s logistical capabilities have been criticized as insufficient for prolonged deployments.

 

Certainly… Not big neither capable anymore!

Of course, times have changed, and the great is no longer great, and no longer has the capacity to cover the obligations of all this expansion, despite the fact, that the UK is one of the top military spenders globally, with a defense budget of approximately £50 billion ($64 billion).

However, this budget is stretched across a wide range of commitments, including nuclear deterrence (Trident), NATO obligations, and global operations, therefore, prioritization of the Gulf and the middle east in general require a higher commitment, as the region as a whole emphasize the Indo-Pacific dominion.

This of course, suggests that the UK must be willing to allocate significant resources to maintain its presence in the region, but the rising costs of military modernization, personnel salaries, and inflation have put pressure on the defense budget, while critics argue that the UK’s military is “overstretched” and underfunded relative to its global ambitions.

If the UK lacks sufficient resources to fully sustain its military bases in the Arabian Gulf, why does it continue to maintain a presence there? 

The answer lies in the strategic, economic, and political benefits that the UK derives from its presence in the region, despite the challenges.

So, what is the solution to solve this dilemma? Of course, being a smart ass, and try to take advantage of others.

Therefore, London works closely with the United States, NATO, and Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states to share the burden of maintain the presence in the region. For example, the US military presence in the Gulf complements UK operations, with the partnership with the US, the UK’s presence in the Gulf complements the much larger US military footprint in the region, so they both have a commitment to share the objectives and strengthens they “special relationship” with the US.

As for NATO, the UK’s bases support NATO and coalition operations in the region, and this gives the UK the ability to “punch above its weight” by contributing to collective efforts. And with hosting Gulf nations, which they are the long time, obedient servants, as most of the Gulf states ruling families, originally came and retained power, thanks to Great Britain. Thus, they’re gladly reducing the financial and operational burden on British forces.

Meanwhile, this is not just the only problem, and even with the critics argue about Britain’s overstretched armed forces, with too many commitments and insufficient resources, which undermine the sustainability of their in the presence region.

Key issues that must be mentioned:

• The delays in procuring new equipment, and maintaining existing platforms, which is raising concerns about the UK’s ability to sustain operations.
• The British military faces recruitment and retention challenges, particularly in technical and specialist roles, which could impact its operational effectiveness.

To conclude this point, we can easily say that the UK’s ability to maintain presence relies heavily on partnerships with the US, NATO, and Gulf states, as without these alliances, the burden would likely be unsustainable.

 

The United States and Britain… Is it a hereditary relationship? Or this is just a myth?

Everyone is convinced that the rise of the United States (a land that was a British colony) was in fact a process of handover and transfer, between the outgoing world leader, to the new world leader. While the British Empire formally withdrew from its colonial holdings in the Middle East and other regions in the mid-20th century, it didn’t completely hand over its influence or strategic positions to the United States.

Instead, the UK has maintained a residual presence and continues to exert influence in key regions, including the Arabian Gulf, through a combination of military bases, diplomatic ties, economic partnerships, and cultural connections. This nuanced approach allows the UK to remain a significant player on the global stage, even as it operates in the shadow of the United States’ dominant superpower status.

And what about the “Myth of Complete Withdrawal?”

The narrative that the British Empire “handed over” its global positions to the US is an oversimplification, while the US did assume a leading role in many regions after World War II, Britain retained significant influence in areas where it had longstanding historical ties.

As the US became the dominant power in the region, Britain has maintained a significant presence and continues to pursue its own strategic, economic, and political interests, and that allows them to act as a balancing force and maintain its status as a global power, even as it operates in the shadow of its American ally.

In essence, UK’s presence in the Gulf is a reflection of its determination to remain relevant and influential in a rapidly changing world, for example in the Gulf region, they maintained defense agreements with several states, which allowed it to retain a military presence and continue playing a role in regional security.

So, why the UK didn’t fully hand over to the US?

Several factors explain why the UK retained its influence in the Gulf rather than ceding it entirely to the US:

1. Historical Legacy: Britain’s long history in the region gave it a unique set of relationships and institutional knowledge that it was reluctant to abandon.
2. Economic Interests: The Gulf’s oil wealth and growing economies presented significant opportunities for British trade and investment.
3. Strategic Importance: The Gulf’s location at the crossroads of Europe, Asia, and Africa made it a critical region for global security and trade.
4. National Pride: Maintaining a presence in the Gulf allowed Britain to project power and uphold its status as a global player, even as its empire declined.
5. Competition: There are areas where their interests diverge, such as defense sales, energy investments, and diplomatic approaches to regional conflicts.

Finally, we can fairly say that despite the generally historical relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom in the Middle east and the Gulf region, beneath the surface of this partnership, there are nuanced and occasionally competing interests that could lead to under-the-table tensions or strategic divergences.

Therefore, the UK’s maintaining its presence in the Gulf may, in part, be motivated by a desire to safeguard its own interests and maintain a degree of independence from the US in this strategically vital region. And while Britain and the US work closely in several aspects such as share intelligence closely (as part of the Five Eyes alliance), UK’s presence in the Gulf allows it to gather its own intelligence and maintain an independent assessment of regional threats, but generally there are other areas where their interests may diverge, leading to subtle tensions, like “Competition for Influence” and “Defense Sales” to name a few, however with rising domestic political tensions, changing global strategies and growing questions about economic viability, many experts are questioning the need for British military bases in the Middle East.

UK’s military bases in the Middle East and the Gulf region in particular, which have long served as important strategic points, are now facing uncertainties and challenges, with rising costs, political instability and changing global challenges… All that will force the UK eventually to take the painful choice, under the pressure of a weak ability to meet obligations, and this will be the reality blow for some dreamers of restoring the British Empire’s past, to wake up from their delusions.