By Syrializm Analytics


The anti-rating of the president of Ukraine, Petro off the scale, and according to the latest data from almost all opinion polls, he doesn’t even enter the second round of elections.

Despite this, Poroshenko is not going to give up the presidency.

He can only count on the massive falsification of voting results.

According to journalists, politicians, political scientists, law enforcement officers and human rights activists, the country is working to create mechanisms unprecedented scale.

Preparation goes in many directions.

Will be involved as well-known mechanisms of fraud, and many new developments political consultants Poroshenko.

If the whole monstrous system works, then the account of fictitious votes for the candidate Poroshenko will go to millions, and it will be impossible to establish the real voting results.

They just drown in a sea of ​​stuffing and juggling.

Here it is told about how this whole machine is arranged and whether at least someone can interfere with its work.


1.      Bribing voters

Many media outlets have repeatedly written about the bribing of voters at the expense of the budget with Poroshenko’s agitators through the so-called grid, including “M”.

In short, the agitators collect lists of people who are ready to vote for Poroshenko, and the local authorities give them financial support from the budget (a thousand and thousands of dollars).

Many people agree to vote for the current guarantor only after learning that they will receive material assistance.

Direct commitments to cast their votes for Poroshenko they do not give. But political scientists believe that the majority of such voters, especially from the poorest, will honor their promises at polling stations as a sign of gratitude.

It is estimated that Poroshenko’s staff plans had to buy up to two million votes in this way. Even if they do not succeed, thousands of agitators still buy hundreds of thousands of votes.

The police conduct several criminal investigations into the facts of bribing voters through the net in Kiev and other regions.

However, these investigations will not be completed before the elections, which mean that the work of the grid will not be completely stopped.

Another way to pay off a budget is to monetize subsidies.

The calculation here is simple – part of the poor voters, having received a “half a dribble” on their hands (one and a half thousand Hryvnias to pay utility bills) will vote for Poroshenko.

Here we can talk about tens and hundreds of thousands of votes.

A smaller way – giving gifts with agitation symbols.

Often these are valuable enough office items worth more than 58 Hryvnia, which, by law, is no longer a gift, but a bribe or bribe.

At present, the police recorded more than 500 facts of bribing voters, most of them – by agitators of the current president’s headquarters.


2.      Voting dead souls

Not so long ago, Ukraine was shocked to find out that 60 million ballots were printed for the first round of elections by the CEC’s order – almost twice as many as registered voters.

Political scientists immediately suggested that this was done for a mass injection of fictitious bulletins with real data of citizens of Ukraine.

Now Poroshenko’s headquarters with the support of the authorities collect passport data of different categories of the population.

These are not only people who are physically circumvented by Poroshenko’s agitators with the suggestion of “Petya’s Thousand”.

Although for them bulletins will be thrown if they do not come to the polling stations.

But the main focus of this mechanism is on people who are not permanently located on the territory controlled by Ukraine.

The main contingent of dead souls will be the workers living in the EU countries and Russia.

They will vote for them without their knowledge.

But also collect data and residents of uncontrolled areas of Donetsk and Lugansk regions.

When any appeal to the state bodies in the territories under control (for retirement, registration of a passport, etc.), they are obliged to register with the nearest territorial election commission.

The calculation is simple: most of the Dnetsk residents and Lugansk residents specifically for the elections, say, will not come to Mariupol, but the ballots with their data will also vote.

The Donetsk residents and Lugansk citizens got to the core of this move, and many of them try to get absentee ballots to vote themselves at the more accessible sites.

But these are still a minority, and the authorities in every way delay the issuance of coupons to them.

In contrast to the hundreds of thousands of miners, the dead souls from the Donetsk and Lugansk regions will have hundreds, perhaps thousands.

But, as we can see, Porto’s political consultants do not miss the slightest opportunity to prepare fraud.

On the other hand, the CEC has done everything so that Ukrainians abroad they couldn’t dispose of their votes.

In Poland, there will be only four polling stations per million migrant workers, while in Russia there will not be one more Ukrainians.

And there is nothing to say about the uncontrolled Donbas.


3.      Direct administrative pressure

Petro Poroshenko in the preparation for the elections without a twinge of conscience uses in his personal interests the state machine and the state budget.

But direct pressure is also applied.

For example, along the lines of educational and psychological work in the army, commanders in the environmental protection zone were instructed not to allow campaigning in the troops for other presidential candidates, except Petro Poroshenko.

It is not difficult to imagine that the command will force the soldiers and officers to vote for it.

The same thing happens in prisons.Prisoners are forced to vote for Poroshenko.

There is information that heads of budgetary organizations are also being forced in one way or another to incline their subordinates to vote for the current guarantor, although not as totally as in the army and in the penitentiary system. Among state employees, Poroshenko’s headquarters also hire special agitators working among their colleagues for “Petin thousand” (a reward of one thousand Hryvnias).


4.      Falsifications in election commissions

Many of the types of frauds described, for example, ballot stuffing for absent voters, require cover at the level of election commissions — precinct, territorial, and sometimes central.

And with this, Poroshenko has everything in order.

Most CEC members are under the control of the president of the 39 presidential candidates that will participate in the first round of elections, about 20 are technical candidates from the guarantor. In practice, this will mean that among the 30,000 district and territorial commissions, approximately 80% of Poroshenko’s people will have a majority, and 10-20% of them will be fully or almost fully staffed with his appointees.

For example, in a rural outback in Western Ukraine, a typical station commission will be able to freely throw in the necessary number of ballots for the missing guest workers with marks for Poroshenko.

When counting votes, ballots for other candidates will, without objection, to committee members and observers stack up for Poroshenko.

This method of falsification is called selective donation.

Even if, for example, observers from Oleg Lyashko begin to protest – part of the ballots for Yulia Tymoshenko, Vladimir Zelenskyor Yuriy Boyko will be put into a pile of Lyashko, which will remove objections.

In one way or another donation, injections for dead souls can be carried out on a very large part of the sites. It is known that the three candidates mentioned (especially Zelensky) have on average an incomparably less strong representation of observers than Petro Poroshenko.

Although they have their technical candidates.

For example, Yulia Tymoshenko has four of them.

Poroshenko’s headquarters also pay much more generously for their members of commissions and observers.

For the Election Day, the secretary of the district commission is promised 10 thousand Hryvnias, 5 thousand for the member, 1.5 thousand for the observer, and 15 thousand for the committee chairman.

Petro Poroshenko in this case didn’t stint, to buy full loyalty and silence of commissions.

Yuriy Boyko’s chairman should receive 5 thousand Hryvnias (excluding per diem) for election day, an observer –– 700 Hryvnias.

Less bid and other candidates.

Other, more traditional frauds in managed commissions are possible.

For example, a simple substitution of the protocol for a fake, with the necessary Poroshenko headquarters numbers.

In this case, the county-controlled district commission that simply votes against the recalculation (if someone from the representatives of other candidates demands it) insures against the recount of votes.

Well, the most key decisions in the interests of the guarantor will be made by the CEC.

It’s not excluded that Poroshenko’s headquarters conduct classical falsifications such as carousels, electoral tours, as well as violations of the electoral law, such as the delivery of voters.

But the new methods invented by the current president’s political strategists surpass them as conventional weapons of mass destruction.

5.      Who fights against fraud

Not so long ago, the American Embassy stated that it saw Guarantor of the fair conduct of elections in the Minister of Internal Affairs of Ukraine Arsen Avakov.

The embassy also warned against radical protests during the election period.

The police are trying to counteract the impending falsifications – the schemes are opened, investigations begin, fines are imposed.

They are trying to organize opposition to falsifications, to give their publicity to public organizations, activists, journalists and, of course, the headquarters of other candidates.

But, as far as can be judged, this only complicated the work of the election campaign of Poroshenko’s fraud, but did not stop it.

This is also evident from his behavior: he doesn’t reduce the intensity of the struggle.

After all, for the current guarantor of the most important to go through the first round.

In the presence of almost four dozen candidates for this task, it is not necessary to recruit the majority of all.

Hundreds of thousands, and from millions of votes at the expense of fraud, can be crucial in the first round to take second place even with the minimum number of votes actually cast.

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